Published By:
Dr. Abdi Ulusso
Executive Director
Somali Council for Refugees
(416) - 249 4553 |
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The problems
of Somalia were there long before Siad Barre took power and
it was Mr. Abdirizak Hagi Hussein (then Prime Minister), who
introduced clan politics in Somalia and avarice, while Mr.
Mohamed Ibrahim Egal (then Prime Minister) brought corruption
and bribery into the national scene.
However,
Mr. Mohamed Siad Barre has only exploited the tensions between
clanism and politics, where clan based favoritism and corruption
reached in its highest peak; becoming part of the bureaucratic
system and personal advancement was only possible within corrupt
tribal network.
Latter
it was exploited by General Mohamed Farah Aideed in a different
way that engaged in subversive actions of sabotage to undermine
Mr. Ali Mahdi (twice elected President in Djibouti). Gen.
Aideed using clan tactics incited violence against Darood
Clan, whom he referred them "remnants" of Siad Barre to drum
up support among non-darood Clans to challenge his chief rival
Mr. Ali Mahdi whom he accused as a Darood sympathizer. As
a result, Darood has fled the Capital City and because of
"bad memory" flatly rejected Mogadishu to be the national
capital.
The main
threat for peace and reconciliation in Somalia have been that,
all Somali Clans (Hawiye, Digil & Mirifle, Dir and Darood)
claim they are victim's one form of atrocity or another at
the hands of rival clans; when they all participated in one
way or another Siad Barre's military campaigns against dissident
clans. No one Clan in Somalia admits its responsibility of
wrong doing which is a grave mistake and the consequences
are becoming costly ever since.
There
is enough blame to go around and no major Clan is immune from
committing atrocities of some sort or other during and after
Siad Barre and all the Clans have played a part in the collapse
of Somalia as a country. But the key is to admit wrongdoing,
apologize and have a frank expression of opinions for the
success of the peace process, and national reconciliation.
Somali people need to overcome their mistrust of each other
and not negotiate in good faith during these reconciliation
conferences in order to find a permanent solution to their
problem.
Only this
way, they can put the Somali society back together and restore
a democratically elected government. However, I am saddened
that, there are divisions between Hawiye, Dir, Darood, Digil
& Mirifle and other smaller Clans and further quarrel within
the intricate web of sub-sub-clans; who often feud and form
alliances in a constantly shifting pattern which complicates
any peace process.
The administrative
regions and districts that, Siad Barre created mainly favored
Darood Clan and was politically motivated but ill conceived
disenfranchising other clan groups. Of the eighteen regions
and ninety- two districts the majority were Darood and if
accepted would give credit to the undemocratic developments
already beset the country.
It was
not fair and it is unacceptable to non-darood Clans in the
country and to agree to these regions and districts; will
provide Darood Clan legitimacy and political dominance not
based on demographical data and the reality of the country.
For example, each Darood sub-clan in the country had a region
and minimum of three districts, which is a political monopoly
under disguise. Given the above, we cannot go back to 1960
administrative regions and districts of after independence
of eight regions and sixteen districts.
A great
many changes have occurred in 50 years in terms of population
increases, shift of demographics, urbanization of some cities
and over all improvement of infrastructure in the country.
However, it is equally unacceptable the administrative regions
and districts that Siad Barre has created which are unbalanced
and not based on number of constituents living in the region
or district.
These
regions and districts are remainder of Siad Barre's injustices
and continue to be a source of conflict in the country. He
also, put in charge of Darood officials in non-darood regions
and districts, who carried out repressive measures of persecution,
harrowing and oppression. Everybody is afraid of history repeating
itself on a large scale.
It should
be resolved to bring a balance before any government is formed
or a national constitution is adopted. I beg to differ, those
who suggest that, it will be corrected once a government is
formed and wish to hastily form a government in Djibouti.
It would be too late and many contentious issues have so far
been put on hold for future government to solve and without
confronting them have been passed on to others.
Now is
the time to take stand and to resolve all outstanding issues
without farther delay and to uncertain future. Otherwise,
the dreadful situation in Somalia will continue and would
be difficult if not impossible to achieve peaceful settlement
of these conflicts, through genuine process of national reconciliation.
We must all have the resolve to do what is necessary to do
justice.
We don't
have to look further the importance of "creating regions and
their districts" which confer status and recognized area of
settlement for a clan or a sub clan. Mr. Egal the Somaliland
warlord, the breakaway northern region of Somalia, mainly
Habar-Awal (Isaaq sub-clan) and token representatives of other
groups in the north has created the Saaxil Region in which
Barbara is the regional headquarter and annexed Seylac taking
it from Awdal Region. Mr. Egal is from Barbara, where his
sub-clan mainly occupying the area elected him twice as a
Member of Parliament in the two consecutive former civilian
governments.
Many Somalis
have indicated as a core issue the conflict surrounding these
regions and districts; but in my estimation could not provide
a comprehensive solution of the conflict and Djibouti conference
has failed to confront the issue. Of course, there are a lot
issues that, still need a resolution before forming a government.
And I
have a grave concern the current participants of the conference
over their handling of the decade old conflict that have scourged
Somalia who are mainly interested to govern without addressing
the root causes of the current political stalemate in the
country.
The participants
should have worked out a peace plan that, properly addresses
the vast problems confronting Somalia; such as the administrative
regions and districts of Siad Barre; redressing the wrongs
of the past during the civil war; identifying the war criminals
whose hands are soaked with Somali blood; the scoundrels who
have amassed wealth through illegal means; curbing the ethnic
strife fueled by desire to pursue violent struggles or false
claims to impose clan domination; resolving the conflict of
feuding factions; developing national interest over clan considerations;
which all lay hurdles on the way to comprehensive peace.
Of all
the previous peace conferences, this is the only time Somali
factions are given ample time to develop strategies and formulate
a peace plan based on balanced power sharing. However, the
participants have missed this opportunity and failed to address
various aspects of the tensions and the source of Somali conflict
to boost the search for compromise and bringing cordial relationships
among Clans back on track; but unfortunately engaged in empty
slogans without substance.
Nevertheless,
the Djibouti peace conference forms the basis of constitutional
reform in Somalia and probably still holds the only hope for
peace. Therefore, its my hope that, Somalis after Djibouti;
look these regions and districts that, I am proposing objectively
and consider a step in the right direction in search of peace
and draw up plans for charting the future political course
of the nation. It is intended to empower the Clans, sub-clans,
and sub-sub-clans in Somalia; many of who were not represented
or under represented and to provide with them needed autonomy
over their local affairs and would recognize the rights of
every group to live in peace, security, and guarantee of basic
human rights.
I recognize
the fact that, some of these regions and districts would not
be viable in the near future; economically, socially and politically
but the potential is there, where they could develop specialized
industries and economic activities unique to each geographical
area to strengthen the prosperity of the country.
No doubt
many will face hardships initially to support bureaucratic
structures for law enforcement, education, health, roads,
water, environment, corrections and pay their share of taxes
to the "Somali Federal Government". Somalis are stubbornly
proud of who they are and the economic potential for the country
lies with its people's capacities and motivations. Traditional
values and customs inherent of Somali society must be drawn
upon for economic achievement for these regions and districts.
Ambition,
enterprise, industriousness and resourcefulness are acknowledged
qualities of Somali people. However, these qualities were
suppressed and inhibited by 21 years of Siad Barre's socialism,
but now must be rekindled for economic achievement.
I envision
a country, where administrative controls; which increase cost
of doing business and government operated agencies of monopoly
position no longer exists and where restraints on economic
opportunities removed and adequate incentive structure is
in place allowing competition.
Market economy, an open economy integrated in the international
market place and encouragement of private banking system and
private chamber of commerce. This will motivate individuals
in these regions and districts to maximize their full productive
potential.
In addition,
the number of seats for each region will be proportional to
their contributions to the government revenues of taxes and
foreign exchange earnings through exports. My main concern,
is some of the "dominant sub-clans" within the Clans of Hawiye,
Dir, Darood and Digil & Mirifle might oppose claiming that,
I have proposed many regions and districts for certain sub-clans
to tip the balance in their favor; or claim only an elected
parliament can propose and legislate new administrative structures.
In any
event, the regions and districts that, I am proposing are
mainly inhabited by similar groups. If some reason, minority
groups inhabit in areas dominated other than they're own sub-clan
or even a districts; there should be a constitutional safeguards
to protect their rights and obligations without fear. The
current so-called Somaliland constitution discriminates the
Southerners by denying rights to ownership and equal opportunity;
while Puntland is solely Mjeerteen (Harti) based administration
and discriminates the Sacad (Habargedir) inhabited the region
and others, which are denied their right to participate all
political and socio-economic rights.
Both Puntland
and Somaliland regions exclude their inhabitants from the
decision-making process and do not tolerate freedom of expression
and association. Their denial of rights and civic participation
of others and constant threats of intimidation of those who
voice a different opinion in their regions, risking their
security, surely defeats the whole purpose of regional autonomy;
where minority rights must be protected.
I am proposing
the following administrative regions and districts with the
exception of Banaadir Region, which will "constitute" a restructured
"City of Mogadishu" and its five boroughs, which will all
have the same rights as other regions, and districts.
1. BAY
REGION: (Baydhaba, Bardaale, Buurhakaba, Diinsoor, Qansaxdheere,
Ufurow)
2. BAKOOL
REGION: (Xudur, Ceelbarde, Yeet, Waajit, Tiyeeglow)
3. GEDO
REGION: (Luug-ganaane, Ceel-waaq, Garbahaarey, Doolow, Balad-xaawo)
4. MIDDLE
JUBA REGION: (Baardheere, Bu’aale, Saakow, Dujuuma)
5. LOWER
JUBA REGION: (Kismaayo, Afmadow, Badhaadhe, Yoontooy)
6. JUBA
REGION: (Jamaame, Jelib, Kamsuuma, Sanguuni, Mareerey)
7. SHABELLE
REGION: (Jowhar, Aadan-yabaal, Ruun-nirgood, Mahadaay)
8. MIDDLE
SHABELLE REGION: (Cadale, Warsheikh, Balcad, Wanle-weyn, Xawaadley)
9. LOWER
MIDDLE SHABELLE REGION: (Marka, Golweyn, Shalaambood, Awdheegle,
Afgooye)
10. LOWER
SHABELLE REGION: (Baraawe, Qoryooley, Janaale, Sablaale, Kurtunwaarey)
11. BANAADIR
REGION: - CITY OF MOGADISHU- A. KARAAN BOROUGH (Karaan, Cabdicassis,
Huriwa), B. XAMAR BOROUGH (Xamar-jajab, Xamarweyne, Shangaani),
C. MEDINA BOROUGH (Wadajir, Waaberi, Dharkeynley), D. WARDHIIGLEY
BOROUGH (Wardhiigley, Hawl-wadaag, Hodan), and E. BOONDHEERE
BOROUGH (Boondheere, Shibis, Yaaqshiid)
12. HIRAAN
REGION: (Beled-weyne, Buul-burte, Jalalaqsi, Matabaan)
13. CEEL-BUUR
REGION: (Ceelbuur, Ceelqooxle, Galhareeri, Bargaan, Garab-la’)
14. MAREEG
REGION: (Ceeldheer, Masagawaay, Nooleeye, Budbud, Cagacade)
15. HOBYO
REGION: (Hobyo, Xaradheere, Garacad, Wisil)
16. GALGADUUD
REGION: (Dhuusa-mareeb, Cabuud-waaq, Guri-ceel, Balambal)
17. MUDUG
REGION: (Gaalkacyo, Jeriiban, Goldogob, Cadaado)
18. NUGAAL
REGION: (Garoowe, Eeyl, Burtinle, Dangoroyo)
19. LOWER
EAST REGION: (Bender-beyla, Qardho, Isku-shuban)
20. UPPER
EAST REGION: (Bosaaso, Qandala, Caluula)
21. SOOL
REGION: (Laas-caanood, Buhoodle, Taleex, Xudun)
22. SANAAG
REGION: (Ceerigaabo, Ceel-afweyn, Badhan, Laas-qorey, Dhaxar)
23. TOGDHEER
REGION: (Burco, Duriqsi, Caynabo, Beyr, Gar-adag)
24. ODWEYNE
REGION: (Odweyne, Laanmulaax, Xaaji-saalax, Ceel-xumo, Hara-sheikh,
Dego-gorayaale)
25. NORTH
WEST REGION: (Hargeysa, Gebiley, Arabsiyo, Goroyocawl, Togwajaale)
26. SAAXIL
REGION: (Barbara, Sheikh, Mandheera, Karin)
27. SALAXL-LEY
REGION: (Salax-ley, Baligubadle, Gumar, Toon, Gool-bulaale,
Ina-guuxa)
28. AWDAL
REGION: (Boorame, Seylac, Lughaye, Looyacade, Baki).
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